Opinion: Solution to the politics of hatred and the folly of last century

Insurgency has gripped the North East state of Manipur since the first week of May. It appears that the two ethnic groups are unwilling to co-exist. The Kukis, who make up 10 per cent of the population, occupy 50 per cent of the land and have a significant presence in the bureaucracy.

On the other hand, the Meiteis, who constitute 56 per cent of the population, occupy only 10 per cent of the land but hold political power. Today, these indigenous groups seem intent on eliminating each other from Manipur, seemingly forgetting their shared homeland.

In response, the apex court has appointed a three-member judicial committee headed by Justice Gita Mittal, with Justice Asha Menon and Shalini Joshi as the other members.

The root of the current conflict lies in the verdict of the Manipur High Court on April 20. Justice MV Muralidharan directed the government to consider including the Meitei community in the Scheduled Tribe (ST) list. This decision sparked the insurgency within two weeks. This region has a history of violence dating back to the nineties, coinciding with the onset of globalisation. In fact, 400 people were killed in the Kuki-Naga clashes of 1993.

Long before Christianity was introduced to these tribes, proponents of the Bhakti movement, like Chaitanya Mahaprabhu and his disciples, arrived in Manipur to propagate Hinduism. The Meiteis are spread across the North East Region.

During the colonial era, Christianity found its way to the Kuki-Zo tribes, while the Meitei Pangal came into contact with Islam. Before the politicisation of religion, these groups were simply Himalayan tribes with their own distinct values. Today, the identities of the Meitei, Kuki, and Naga are intertwined with religious affiliations. Yet, the core question remains: Why is there opposition to the High Court's direction to consider ST status for the Meiteis?

In a poignant protest against this insurgency, twelve Manipuri women stripped naked in front of Kangla Fort in the Imphal valley on July 15, 2004. Irom Sharmila, often referred to as the Iron Lady for her prolonged Satyagraha against AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act), hails from this region. These protests were primarily against the Indian government. While demands for an independent state have subsided, there is now a call for a separate administrative territory for the Zo tribes.

By the end of July, another bout of violence erupted, this time in Haryana. The Hindu-Muslim riots that began in Nuh in the Mewat region, soon spread to Gurugram. Gandhi's visit to Ghasera village in Nuh, where he persuaded the Meo ethnic group to remain in India during the Partition, is being recalled. Gandhi once described the Meo as the backbone of India. Yet, a decade earlier, he characterised an average Hindu as a coward and an average Muslim as a bully. These sentiments persist, with right-wing activists chanting, "Jai Shri Ram."

Ethnic and communal violence often serves the political class by polarising voters. Approximately 40,000 Kuki-Zos have migrated from Manipur to other parts of the North East. The state has facilitated the safe return of the Meiteis to Manipur. Meanwhile, working-class Muslim migrants are seeking safer destinations away from Gurugram in Haryana. This displacement is likely to consolidate vote banks for various political parties. While proponents of both Hindu and Muslim communities stand to gain, the most vulnerable, including the elderly, women, and children, bear the brunt of the conflict. Such is the nature of our current democratic model.

"Ethnicity" and "communalism" dominate public discourse, creating divisions. The ideal of unity in diversity seems detached from the realities of our electoral democracy. Polarisation is a tried-and-tested strategy for managing vote banks. The political stage is set to replay age-old tactics in upcoming elections, even as 100 public figures pledge to quell communal tensions.

Six years post the Lucknow Pact, which fostered cooperation between the Congress and the Muslim League, an appeal for communal harmony was made during a special Congress session from 15 to 19 September 1923.

Maulana Azad emphasised mutual respect and protection during his presidential address: "In view of the recent deplorable disturbances we, the undersigned Mussalmans, Hindus and Sikhs, hereby declare, that if any individual or group of individuals, belonging to any community commits any act of violence against or attacks the person, property or honour of women or places of worship of his neighbours or fellow townsmen or helps those who indulge in such misdeeds, is, from the religious point of view, guilty of a great sin and that it is the duty of the coreligionists of such offenders to stand up to resist these miscreants and to protect those who are so attacked. We further appeal to the followers of every religion that they should act, each towards the other, with mutual toleration and regard for religious ideas of their neighbours and townsmen."

This appeal's ethos resonates with Indian cultural values. However, many signatories seemed to forget their pledge upon returning home, focusing instead on electoral victories. This is precisely what Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose highlighted in "The Indian Struggle."

Gandhi once advised the Congress to abstain from elections, a directive followed in the subsequent polls. CR Das and Moti Lal Nehru founded the Swaraj Party on January 1, 1923 that contested and won general elections. Netaji used to be one of its prominent leaders before starting the Forward Block.

Today, a similar kind of gimmicks are at play to win the battle next year. The displacement of Christian Kukis and Hindu Meiteis in the Himalayas and working class Muslim migrants of NCR (Gurugram) reflected politics of divide and rule. Political parties are partners in this sin, vice and crime. They need to make a fresh beginning to address this question. Truth and reconciliation can be the appropriate terms leading the public discourse instead of communalism and ethnic violence. Social Harmony Pact is something equally required in Manipur, Mewat and other parts of India today.

(Views expressed in this opinion piece are that of the author.)